The creation of the Hellenic absolutist state in 1832, particularly as a moribund protectorate, signaled the complete failure of the Greek revolution and the inauguration of a deadly antagonism with Hellenism, which had continuously experienced the anthropocentric product of freedom from antiquity until then, especially during the phase of the ecumene.
The Greek revolution of 1821 indeed aimed at the recovery of the state of the ecumene, the cosmopolis, based on cities/communities, politically structured with the vehicle of corporate economy and democracy. The state of absolutism was from the outset a foreign body to the core of Hellenism and, as such, set a prerequisite to avoid rejection: the expulsion of its anthropocentric foundations (the communities, the corporate economy, democracy) from the body of Greek society and consequently its cosmopolitan mandate. However, to achieve this goal, it was necessary for Hellenism to sever its relationship with its value heritages, to become alienated from its cultural ballast, and to restart its history with a clause of its debts to the "Western canon." Henceforth, the "Neo-Hellene" was taught to see himself through the eyes of the state of absolutism and the succeeding constitutional/elective monarchy, that is, with the (limited) perspective of the post-feudal man.
The deeds of the Hellenic state are dominated by this antagonism, which resulted in the uprooting of the foundations of the Greek anthropocentric ecumene and consequently the complete disappearance of the greater Hellenism. Precisely because this state was from the outset a foreign body to the anthropocentric constitution of Greek society, it rapidly transformed into a degenerative imitation of the Western "paradigm" and ultimately into a peculiar regime defined by the concept of partyocracy.
The last flash of this abhorrent version of elective monarchy will reappear during the "metapolitefsi" period, during which it will engage in an unprecedented plundering of Greek society and simultaneously target its cultural heritages that constitute its political distinctiveness and, in essence, its resistant character. Certainly, the narration of the deeds of Hellenism measured by the deeds of the nation instead of the state is alone capable of illuminating the developments after the Revolution and, in depth, the causes of Greek misfortune within the framework of the nation-state.
In this respect, the inquiry into the future of Greek society passes through its harmonization with the anthropocentric roots of the Greek world, starting with the transformation of the polity, that is, the removal of the modern elective monarchy and the implementation of the democratic principle that was the continuous trait of Hellenism until the end of the Turkish rule, as the only capable condition for restoring politics to the common interest.